In the
wake of World Ward I, the frustrations of the «war to end all wars»
were manifest in a climate of isolationism. George Washington's admonition to
avoid entangling alliances in Europe had taken on a new poignancy as a result
of the war. Many Americans felt that the United States had been tricked into
entering the war and that Europe's seemingly irreconcilable differences should
be settled without any further U.S. interference. So, for the interbellum
period, America preferred to bury her head in home soil.
Those two
decades of introversion were not wholly uneventful, however. There was Scott
Fitzgerald and the Jazz Age, prohibition, Sacco and Vanzetti, the jitterbug,
Shirley Temple, the Great Depression andGone with the Wind. But in
general, thestatus quo held away, threatened only by concern over the
intentions of the Third Reich.
American
concern kept pace with Hitler's rise to power, but the alarm was never
wholesale. American opinion was sharply divided between those advocating
isolation and those in favor of at least token intervention.
The
isolationists held steadfastly to the conviction that the United States was not
actually threatened and that an Allied victory on the continent was an
eventuality. Some of the more radical proponents of isolationism favored the
Nazis, but the majority wanted little more than straightforward neutrality
legislation.
The
interventionists, on the other hand, looked upon the war as an Armageddon
pitting democracy and authoritarianism against each other on a global scale.
They argued that the U.S. had become too much a part of the world community to
remain on the peripheries of any large-scale war. Besides that, they were
convinced that America would eventually have to deal with the Nazis and that
active support of the European Allies was a good place to start. The weight of
isolationist opinion, however, favored support short of actual engagement. The
basic premise of the interventionist argument was that the best defense for
America lay in the armament which could be provided to the Allies.
As Hitler
grew bolder and more aggressive, isolationist-interventionist differences
waxed. America found herself on the horns of an unpleasant dilemmaeither
retreat into complete isolation and allow the European countries to fend for
themselves or render all possible aid forthwith.
Roosevelt's administration was generally sympathetic to the plight
of Britain and France from the outset, but national policy was slow to follow.
Above all, the U.S. held doggedly to the belief that the Atlantic was an
impenetrable barrier that would shield America from the Nazi menace. Shortly
after England and France declared war, Roosevelt reasserted America's
neutrality with a proclamation that carried with it an embargo on shipment of
war materiel to all belligerents. The measure was modified within a matter of
months as it proved most damaging to Britain's defense:
«From a practical point of view the British were hit hardest
of all. Controlling the seas, they could prevent the Germans from access to
American goods, but at the same time they themselves were denied desperately
needed war material. American neutrality legislation, they charged, was
equivalent to presenting the Germans with an Atlantic fleet.»
«As
in World War I, the British, in order to prevent war cargoes from reaching the
enemy, introduced the navicert system requiring the search of merchant ships in
American ports before they sailed for Europe. This practice, in addition to
stoppage and search of American vessels on the high seas, resulted, again as in
World War I, in a sharp exchange of notes between Washington and
London.»
The
embargo provision of the Neutrality Act was repealed November 4, 1939, and
cash- and-carry export of arms and munitions was substituted.
The
sudden capitulation of France caused a reappraisal of U.S. neutrality. With
Britain beleagured by theLuftwaffe, there was speculation that the
vaunted Royal Navy would lose control of the Atlantic. Spurred by the prospect
of vulnerability, Congress responded with the Selective Service Training and
Service Act, multi-billion dollar war appropriations and authorization for
«the greatest naval expansion in history.» Neutrality was still
implicit in these preparations' however. The Selective Service Act prescribed
that no conscriptees could server outside the Western Hemisphere.
On
September 30, F.D.R., in a bold executivequid pro quo, traded 50
American destroyers for rent-free rights to build bases in Newfoundland,
Jamaica and other British Caribbean holdings. The British desperately needed
the destroyers to bolster their fleet which had been crippled at Dunkirk. While
Congress debated the deal and isolationists protested in front of the White
House, the destroyers were delivered and the new bases hastily fortified.
After two
months of heated debate, Congress acquiesced to Roosevelt's interventionist
leanings and passed a lend-lease act which «empowered the President to
manufacture, sell, lend, transfer, lease, or exchange any war material to 'the
government of any country whose defense the President deems vital for the
defense of the United States.' The President was given complete discretion,
even to the extent of not requiring any repayment if he did not wish
it.»
«To
Winston Churchill, Lend-Lease was 'an inspiring act of faith,' 'a monument of
generous and far-reaching statesmanship,' and 'the most unsordid act in
history.' The British prime minister had good reason for his generous praise.
Lend-Lease was probably the most important single innovations of the war with
the possible exception of the atomic bomb. The flow of American guns, tanks,
shells, and planes to the Allies became heavy enough to turn the scales against
the Axis.»
Limited
American intervention into the Middle East Theater, or more specifically, into
Eritrea, was begun under the aegis of this lend-lease measure. Eritrea was to
become the focal point of an effort to blanket the Middle East with airfields,
ordnance depots and support bases. The immediate concern, of course, was
Rommel.
In an
attempt to isolate Russia on her southern borders, the German-ItalianAfrika
Korps intended to blitz across North Africa, capture the Suez Canal, and
continue overland to India and the Far East. If the plan succeeded, the Allies
stood to lose the last viable supply routes to China and Russia, as well as the
valuable oil fields of Iraq and Iran. In short, if the British resistance
buckled and the Middle East were lost, an Axis victory was virtually
assured.
The Royal
Air Force (RAF) support base at Gura, the naval base at Massawa and various
other projects in Asmara, Ghinda and Dongollo were established under lend-lease
and were to exist only to support the British forces fighting in Egypt and
Libya.
At a
secret meeting held at the War Department November 19, 1941, it was decided
that the United States would establish an air base at Gura, Eritrea to support
the Royal Air Force in the ongoing battle with Rommel'sAfrika Korps in
Libya. Being outmanned and outgunned, the RAF was taking heavy casualties while
Rommel pushed ever closer to Egypt. Five days after the inception of the Gura
project, Rommel's armor plunged into Egypt and it was only the persistence of
the RAF which forced a retreat. But the price of temporary victory was paid in
damaged aircraft. A repair depot was urgently needed to keep the RAF flying.
The location in Eritrea was sufficiently removed from the combat zone to be
safe from ground attack, yet close enough that damaged aircraft could be
shipped down the Red Sea, repaired and returned to the fighting with minimal
delay. Since the United States was still nominally neutral, the base was to be
staffed by civilians and managed by Douglas Aircraft Corporation. Its
highly-classified designation was Project 19.
Douglas
began immediately to recruit aircraft engineers from commercial firms all over
the country. Prospective employees were enticed with promises of well-equipped
shops, high salaries, recreational facilities (golf course, tennis courts and
swimming pool) and a contract that provided that no one would be employed in
active combat zones.
The 120
engineers recruited to staff the Gura base were assembled in New York in
December, 1941. Each of them had been thoroughly screened by the F.B.I., yet
the project was so highly classified that very few knew the group's
destination. Douglas also marshaled an impressive housekeeping staff: 20
American doctors, including neuro-surgeons and a psychiatrist, 24 nurses, two
chaplains, three dentists, two lens grinders, seven chefs, 20 cooks and bakers,
eight barbers, two shoemakers, five dry cleaners, three tailors, ten laundrymen
and a bevy of welfare personnel which included athletic directors. There is
little doubt as to the ebullience of those engineers upon learning the extent
to which Douglas had gone to create what one wartime journalist called
«an African Shangri La.»
Due to
submarine activity and related perils, the embarkation was delayed for a time,
but Project 19 finally got underway in a 20-ship convoy. Although no Douglas
employees were lost, two of the ships were torpedoed and sunk off the Cuban
coast, and at least eight men were plucked from floating rafts. At a refueling
stop in Cape Town, those that didn't already know learned the details of the
project from Lord Haw Haw, who ranked with Axis Sally in the vanguard of German
radio propagandists. His broadcast identified them with unsettling accuracy,
elaborated on the folly of the Eritrean venture and assured them that their
remaining vessels would be torpedoed at the first opportunity. In the end, his
predictions were only partially true, yet fully half of the specialized
equipment was lost to U-boats enroute to Massawa.
Gura
proved to be a great disappointment. In place of the swimming pool and air-
conditioned billets they expected, the new arrivals found only the remnants of
an Italian base, which had been decimated by RAF bombers, and crate upon crate
of RAF P-40's riddled with bullet holes and spattered with dried blood. Mr.
Harold W. Jensen arrived in Gura with the first Douglas contingent. The
following is his own description of the Gura base:
«Arriving there late one afternoon, we found the base in
rather bad shape; by that I mean not fully cleaned up after the fighting to
take possession of the area. Even the water wells were contaminated with
bodies. It was several days before one could relish eating. At night the hyenas
roamed the camp laughing and screaming as they tried to break into the cook
house. It required a week or so to polish them off, along with the
baboons.»
«One interesting episode probably not known was the method
employed to remove the countless mines, touchdown type, planted under the
airfield surface. They were rigged to explode under heavy plane and truck tires
and would not detonate when stepped upon by personnel. Removal was started by a
team of South African sappers who employed a lightweight road grader with front
wheels light enough to pass over the mines without detonating them. The blade
was set in full cocked position and driving slowly, it scraped off about three
or four inches of the surface, just enough to flip over the mines. Several
Italian prisoners walked alongside the grader snatching the mines before the
heavy rear wheels reached them. The work went on for about a month with the
sappers drawing lots each day to see who would drive.»
Skilled
aircraft engineers became perforce carpenters and bomb-crater-fillers. Shovels,
hammers and screwdrivers were fashioned out of scrap metal to begin the process
of reclaiming the devastated base. Advance teams were dispatched to Tobruk and
Bengasi to begin repairs in the war zone until the time that the Gura base
would be fully operational. Although they carried no weapons and wore no
uniforms, eight men of Project 19 were killed performing their duties.
Gradually, the requisite equipment arrived and around-the-clock
operation began. Apart from servicing damaged aircraft, they developed new
techniques to bolster the RAF effort against the Axis. They engineered a way of
ferrying damaged P-40's by slinging the wings under the bellies of C-47's.
Their ingenuity, however, was not entirely limited to the war. Technicians in
the parachute rigging shop devised a supremely effective mousetrap to stem the
tide of rodents gnawing on their silk.
Along
with the equipment, the promised athletic gear begin to trickle in (most of
which had been sunk in the Atlantic along with Gura's library books), and the
zeal which characterized the war effort was channeled into recreation. Among
the first undertakings was a nine-hole golf course with the following ground
rules:
- Balls may be lifted from bomb craters and trenches without
penalty.
- Do not touch bombs or craters, notify authorities.
- In case of air raid the trenches are located in back of 5th
and 7th greens.
- Out of bounds to right of 1st, 5th and 9th holes.
- If baboon steals ball drop another ball no nearer hole-no
penalty.
- If ball hits an animal play ball as it lies.
Life at
Gura was hardly unbearable. The men of Project 19 ate square meals in four mess
halls and enjoyed ice cream regularly. In fact, The Gura Ice Cream Bar earned
an instant reputation throughout the Middle East theater. They published a
daily newspaper, had their own first-run movie theater and attended church in a
chapel they constructed. There was some rationing, however. Special ration
cards entitled the bearer to two ice cream sodas a day and two quarts of beer
per week.
By
November 4, 1942, Rommel was retreating from El Alamein, where the Royal air
Force had figured prominently in his defeat. No tanker with fuel for Rommel's
armor had succeeded in reaching Africa for six weeks. Rommel's departure from
Africa in March, 1943 presaged the end of Project 19. The job was over.
For a
time, there were plans to re-locate the men and equipment of the Gura base to
North Africa, but nothing materialized. Late in 1943, a clutch of shutter
hangers the last of the 3,000 men that had staffed Project 19 at the
peak of operations boarded the last outgoing C-47, leaving Gura as
deserted as they had found it 23 months before.
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